The candidate selection process for the Buenos Aires legislative elections, scheduled for September 7, laid bare the growing rift between two factions within Argentina’s ruling party, La Libertad Avanza (LLA).
In one corner sits the group led by Karina Milei, President Milei’s sister. The group is made up mostly of traditional politicians from other parties, like Lower House speaker and deputy Martín Menem.
On the other end, you have shadowy presidential advisor Santiago Caputo leading what is known as the “Heavenly Forces,” an array of mostly young, aggressive social media-savvy activists who came into politics to support Milei or his ideas. The most iconic figure is Daniel Parisini, one of the government’s communication strategists and headliner of streaming channel Carajo.
People close to the administration say that the president is focused on “the economic program and deregulation” and does not get involved in politics, something he outsources to his sister.
Up until now, Karina and Caputo, together with the president, formed what was called the “iron triangle.” The administration’s inner circle, responsible for every strategic decision the libertarians made. And although tension has always been there, disputes over power and influence seem to render the apparent harmony a thing of the past.
The deadline to sign up candidates for the Buenos Aires province legislative elections evidenced a categorical win for Karina’s side. In the first section, which carries the most electoral weight, the candidate will be Tres de Febrero Mayor and ex PRO member Diego Valenzuela.
In the second section, the list will be headed by Natalia Blanco, a councilwoman close to PRO national deputy Cristian Ritondo. For the Third Electoral Section, LLA chose councilman Maximiliano Bondarenko, former commissioner of the Buenos Aires Police.
No one from Santiago Caputo’s camp managed to land higher than fifth, a peripheral slot at best.
The fallout of the Buenos Aires province candidate selection
Out of 46 provincial deputies and 23 senators’ seats in play, only one went to the Heavenly Forces — Nahuel Sotelo, a far-right activist currently serving as the national Worship and Civilization Secretary, is now the fifth candidate in the province’s third electoral district. A source close to the Heavenly Forces told the Herald that Sotelo was expected to head that ballot. Even if he were elected, it would be considered a demotion.
More than half the spots were handpicked by Karina’s right-hand man in Buenos Aires province, Sebastián Pareja, who, way back in the day, served as an advisor to former president Carlos Menem. The rest went to factions from PRO, the right-wing party led by former president Mauricio Macri, allied with LLA in Congress.
Sources from both groups told the Herald that infighting has been in place since Milei took office. Last November, activists belonging to Caputo’s group launched Fuerzas del Cielo (Heavenly Forces), which they introduced as the government’s “armed wing.” The Herald was able to confirm at the time that Karina Milei was “angry” about the launch.
Shortly after, Agustín Romo, a Buenos Aires congressman and one of the most prominent members of the Heavenly Forces, told the Herald that the faction was “an activist LLA group that would […] support the candidates that the party’s president, Karina Milei, decides.”
However, a person close to the Heavenly Forces told the Herald that the group is not happy with some choices made by Karina and Pareja. The source mentioned candidate Pablo Morillo, who worked in Peronist governor Axel Kicillof’s administration until last year, as an example of ballots being “full of Peronists.” The source added “knowing the territory,” a trait Morillo has as a skilled political operative, is part of an “old politics” way of understanding the country.
The members of Caputo’s group claim that this vision minimizes the role played by social media, an area in which Caputo’s group is an expert, adding that those who were left out have been supporting Milei since 2018, and are doubtful about the selected candidates’ loyalty.
The dispute, said a person belonging to Karina’s group, could be summed up as one between “those who are pure and those who are not.”
“And the pure ones want their place,” the source added. “They had very high expectations. But [congressional seats] are not their place. They are the ‘muscle’ within LLA.”
What’s at stake for the two sectors?
In a rare post on X, Karina referred to the infighting in the party, saying that the “clean slate” principle should be applied to the candidates. “This battle is not for the faint-hearted, nor is it for the few,” she wrote, adding that “anyone who honestly embraces the ideas of freedom” has a place.
“Anyone who questions those who carry that flag is not criticizing a ballot; they are questioning the President himself and the cause that brought us here,” she added.
Political analyst Lara Goyburu told the Herald that “LLA is ultimately playing for high stakes in these elections — it has to demonstrate whether or not it is the political force that can oppose Peronism and a certain way of doing politics in Argentina.” She added that the party had to ally itself with some figures who “have been in provincial politics for years and know the territory.” This tactic, of course, leaves the newcomers, like Caputo’s candidates, out of the race despite LLA presenting itself as being a “force against the establishment.”
The source close to the Heavenly Forces said that the group feels “disappointed” and “screwed over.” For example, they wanted Lucas Luna, an official close to Caputo, on the ballot. Luna, however, had already clashed with Karina’s group when, last month, he wrote in a post on X: “We don’t hate Islam enough.” At the time, Federico Sharif Menem, leader of the national youth wing of LLA and political protégé of Karina, snapped back on social media.
“Delete this, you idiot,” retorted Menem, who, like his entire family, is of Arab descent.
The end result? Lucas Luna was nowhere to be seen on the ballot.
On top of all this, the iron triangle seems to be shifting into a “square” as Chief of Staff Guillermo Francos, who worked in Peronist Alberto Fernández’s administration, is becoming more and more involved in the president’s inner circle.
Despite the clashes between the groups, Caputo still holds influence in major government areas, like tax-collecting agency ARCA, intelligence secretariat SIDE, the health ministry, the energy company YPF, and the Religion Secretariat, among others.
A source close to the matter speculated that Caputo could be forced to hand some of those over in exchange for candidacies in the October national-level midterms. A political strategist close to Karina said the infighting is now “frozen.” “We have an election to win. We can’t have internal divisions,” he added. It remains to be seen how the rift will develop, but it’s safe to say that, at this moment, Karina Milei has the upper hand.